The sheer chaos of an era said to have required a daily calendar to catch the sense of rising tension between all the capitals makes it seem nonsensical to ascribe substantial blame to Britain. Eyebrows should rightly be raised over Britain’s non-interventionist policy on the eve of war in 1914, despite unconcealed German desires to be the main protagonist in global affairs. Which role did Britain play in the slide to war?
Although the United States’ irrational, and at times, imperialistic actions are seen to be out of the desire to spread American ideals, the superpower in reality is more concerned about the preservation of the global order. The fact that the United States is concerned over not only the security and peace of the world but the betterment of mankind is precisely the reason why the United States is allowed to call itself a status quo power.
Whilst the globe may be ‘shrinking’ with the advancement of technology and increasing interdependence, numerous weaknesses and unaddressed atrocities remain lay within the system of ‘globalized’ international relations. This paper argues that in response to the many faults the system of ‘globalization’ contains, a new form of regionalism has arisen in the world to address what global multilateralism can not.
Carl Schmitt is referred to as the Thomas Hobbes of the 20th century due to his tendencies to base his philosophies of the 18th century realist. In the following essay, it will be explained how the realist philosophies of both, the more modern, and the original Thomas Hobbes hold not only similar views but also contrast on key international relations topics. Although Thomas both are classed together as realist, they are nonetheless completely dissimilar on how they define the international system
Nuclear Proliferation is both an enduring critical matter in international security and a source of heated debate amongst the various ideological schools of thought in international relations. Although specific disputes can be assessed based upon which one is side is more effective with their argument, the general debate is much more ambiguous.
There is an incompatibility between the purpose and mode of Middle Eastern economic development to date and the fraught efforts towards forms of democracy across the region. Additionally, the importance of certain economic developments to specific actors has successfully outweighed the importance of democracy in the region, and will persist in doing so for the foreseeable future.
The 1956-1957 Suez Crises/Tripartite Aggression and the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War each provide a rich insight into the use of propaganda by the British establishment in advancing its national and international aims, but with almost diametrically opposite consequences.
Eyal Weizman’s comprehensive account of the techniques of expansion and oppression deployed by the Israeli forces in the Occupied Territories provides a thorough and graphic exposé of a whole range of colonizing methods. In this essay I attempt to highlight a selection of Weizman’s observations and relate them to the arguments of Yiftachel and an updated understanding of Foucauldian population geography by Legg.
This essay will examine the explosive growth in public and private transnational legal fora and the empirical creation of interlegality before arguing that this growth creates a need for new conceptualizations of international law that are not bound by assumptions of Westphalian sovereign states or the classic liberal separation of private and public.
Understanding the processes by which global knowledge institutions generate epistemic functions and impact governance requires inquiring into the construction of global problems, the legitimation of new institutions, and the complex dynamics of disseminating cooperative solutions.
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