The territorial disputes concerning the Spratly and Paracel Islands and adjacent waters are still unresolved. Recently, incidents between Vietnamese seismic survey ships and Chinese coast patrols are a reminder of the conflict potential these border disputes inherit. After a phase of relative easiness among the claimants to the South China Sea islands, these newly heightened tensions cause rising worries in the region and abroad.
Building democratic states is a complex and challenging task at the best of times. After violent conflict this task is additionally complicated by the fact that peace needs to be secured, institutions need to be comprehensively reformed, if not built from scratch, civil society and political culture need to be reinvigorated, and economies need to be put back on a path to sustainable growth.
While the western world is likely to turn inward as its middle-classes attempt to cope with the economic squeeze, the new middle-classes in the global south are less predictable and more likely to be a force for instability. The ability of governments in the global south to respond to the changing demands of their constituents and provide competent economic governance will profoundly influence the future, both domestically and globally.
Western democracies must accept China as an equal partner in managing the global order, an order that has until recently borne the distinctive imprint of Western interests. The task of accommodating China will form the defining challenge of the 21st century.
Saudi Arabia is currently in the lead against Iran. Riyadh has consolidated allegiance from states with huge payouts and also strengthened the GCC. Though Saudi Arabia faces huge difficulties in Yemen, and uncertainty in Syria and Libya, Iran has failed to make any inroads in increasing its influence at Riyadh’s expense, except in Lebanon.
The 1995 Srebrenica genocide was a shameful event in modern European politics. The Srebrenica Resolution, adopted in January 2009 by the European Parliament, represents a significant ‘normative’ initiative that once again has proved the relevance and effectiveness of the European Union as an appreciable normative power in international politics.
The Gaddafi regime appears to be falling in Libya, but important questions must be answered if the transition to a new government is to be peaceful. Where have Gaddafi’s fighters gone; what are their plans? How united are the rebels and who is in command? Who will lead international post-conflict reconstruction efforts? And what are the implications for the Arab Spring more broadly?
Much has been made recently in multiple publications about the possible escalatory nature of fighting Chinese anti-access tactics with a concept of “Air/Sea Battle”. Very little exact information about the plan is known to the public, yet speculation has remained rampant. The concept at its core is attempting to create synergy between armed forces in combining their offensive capabilities as seamlessly as possible. This is not a new idea.
Our biggest challenge is to be more attractive than those who tout rage as their ‘answer’ to prior rage and retribution; leading only to endless cycles of destruction. How to inspire haters to renounce hate, is our challenge. We face this hurdle within ourselves, as well, when we fall into feeling this way about the haters, or when we even fall into hating ourselves.
Whether the ends justify the means is an impossible question to answer decisively. How unpalatable are the means and how desirable the ends? There is no definitive rulebook on how violent organisations such as Hamas need to be handled. Each example illustrates a different dynamic that requires a different response.
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