As he approaches four years at the helm of France and of France’s foreign policy, three things come to mind with respect to an evaluation of Nicolas Sarkozy’s foreign policy. His ambition remains unchecked; he remains unceasingly on the top of his dossier; and he has calmed down somewhat, not only in his gesticulations and verbal excesses, but also in terms of what he expects to get out of foreign leader.
I have a lot of sympathy for Peter Vale’s requiem for globalization. Too often, the idea means all things to all people. However, I want to make some defence of the idea. I will argue that while the theoretical post-mortem is convincing, the historical post-mortem is not.
Vietnam. Mention the word to many a Westerner today and the reply you will get is more than likely to involve images of napalm, Hamburger Hill, Kent State and a whole other array of brutal and divisive issues that have so scarred the American psyche. However, there is another story, the legacy of the war on the Vietnamese themselves.
It was the first cyber-revolution, but it probably won’t be the last. While in the past it was more than common for leaders to rule their people through fear and threat, with increased education and accessibility to the internet, authoritarian leaders and dictators like Ben Ali will hopefully soon be known only in history.
With the cascading events in Tunisia, there has been much debate about whether or not this represents a real revolution. The question is clearly important. Much of the debate seems to focus on whether or not Tunisia will move out of an autocratic system of government and into a liberal democracy. But whatever the eventual political outcome, Tunisians have already experienced a real revolution.
One of the peculiar challenges Complexity may present is that the nonlinearity and unpredictability it posits as being fundamental characteristics of complex systems are profoundly subversive of how we have traditionally understood policymaking. Complex adaptive systems are highly sensitive to initial conditions, as well as potentially subject to a variety of both positive and negative feedback loops, making outcomes unpredictable over the long term.
Despised by Bismarck as ’not worth the life of a single German solider’’ and described by Churchill as ‘having too much history to consume’’, the region of the Western Balkans is returning to the agenda. The EU and the USA must step in and show that they are up to this ultimate test of bringing the last remaining non-EU island into the orbit of the Union and NATO.
One of the most under-studied, and perhaps most over-promoted, aspects of American foreign policy is the so-called Mil to Mil Relations, the cultivated ties the US military has with foreign militaries. These Mil to Mil Relations consist of military training and liaison exchanges, joint exercises, and senior level consultations.
As a form of reflectivist critique of the scientific approach to the study of social sciences, constructivism was initially developed as a mostly interpretive metatheory. Its substantial and wide-ranging influence perhaps derives from the fact that what is says seems to be just common sense. Its insights apply to our individual experiences in life; as individuals our identities change over time and so do our interests.
In the words of one local human rights activist, the new North Sudan is going to be a very nasty country. This matters because of the company president Bashir keeps: he gave shelter to Osama bin Laden for five years in the 1990s, and he considers Iran’s Ahmadinejad, Hamas and Hizbollah to be his closest ideological and political friends, despite claiming to be an ally of America in the war on terror
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