The media can be a highly useful tool for agencies and individuals involved in development projects. It can be used to raise awareness of the problems they are working to overcome, to apply political pressure, and to gain financial or material support. Unfortunately, at times the way that the media and the way that development projects function often come in to conflict, especially for corporate news outlets
The financial collapse of 1997 which led to regional economic meltdown the following year exposed the link between financial sectors and macroeconomic performances of the troubled economies, and hence the revision of development models pursued by those economies. A distinction needs to be drawn between the crisis as the precipitating event or as the source of Asia’s extraordinary vulnerability
The proposition that democratic states do not fight interstate wars against each other is one of the most influential ideas in international politics in recent years. Since 1974 eighty-five authoritarian regimes have ended. Yet of these, only thirty states have survived as fairly stable democracies. It seems the shift away from dictatorial rule towards a form of governance offering a more liberal and democratic stance has not always concluded with the construction of peaceful domestic and international relations
The unstable phase somewhere between autocracy and well-established democracy presents the most challenges to peace at home and abroad. Limited definitions of the transition process and its endpoint are counterproductive for democratizing countries, as is bestowing the label of ‘democracy’ when it is inaccurate, and relying solely on elections. We cannot hope for the democratic peace thesis to be realized until countries move out of the transition phase and become truly established democracies
The 21st century has continued to promote multiculturalism, increased communications cross-border and a greater level of interdependence. The influence of regional institutions has meant that quasi-supranational institutions such as the European Union have been able to challenge the influence of globalisation particularly in the form of ‘New Regionalism’ which is taking shape in a far more multi-polar world order.
The African, Caribbean, and Pacific states-European Union Partnership Agreement, known as the Cotonou Agreement, is a partnership in name, but arguably not in nature.
In a world where the concepts of Globalisation and Regionalism both seem to gain more and more power, it was only a matter of time until the relationship between those two seemingly contradictory processes would become the issue of discussion. What Andrew Hurrell has called the “one world/many worlds relationship” has now become the subject of great academic interest and debate.
‘Globality’ can hardly be achieved if it does not embrace at least the majority of the Earth’s population. While global civil society may be a reality as an occurrence that has no precedent in history, this does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that global civil society is ‘global’ in the way it is envisioned by its most ardent supporters.
There is an incompatibility between the purpose and mode of Middle Eastern economic development to date and the fraught efforts towards forms of democracy across the region. Additionally, the importance of certain economic developments to specific actors has successfully outweighed the importance of democracy in the region, and will persist in doing so for the foreseeable future.
The theory of hegemonic stability does not explain the failure of the interwar and the success of the post-1945 international economic orders. Domestic influences upon international monetary cooperation in major states were a crucial determining factor in the global economic stability or lack thereof in the interwar and post-WWII periods.
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