Liberal interventionism is a dying trend due to two main factors. Firstly, due to the emerging norm of human rights over sovereignty, and secondly via the the realization of the extreme costs involved in intervention – both financial and geopolitical.
Iran has no intentions of stopping its nuclear program in the short term. To deal with this problem, the international community must establish a united strategy and overcome inherent divisions.
Pakistan’s internal and external power relations and its colonial past have led to skewed policy making which prioritises defence expenditure and neglects human development.
China needs to build up its sea power for the sake of its economic growth, maritime interests and national security. It would do well to learn from Western theories.
It is time to revisit the foreign policy record of Jimmy Carter, and consider it in the context of both the Cold War and the issue of America’s role in the world.
Although East Timor gained independence in 2002, it was a failure to mitigate ethnic tensions in 1999 that demonstrated the UN’s self-limiting culture.
The classification of countries has been dynamic through history due to changing economic situations and fluctuating relations between states.
In the aftermath of the Cold War the world found itself confronting a new security environment, and this process of transformation produced very complex and ambiguous effects on the EU-US security relationship.
Neoconservative foreign policy has a solid core of reasonable assumptions, but America’s attempts to put the neoconservative agenda into practice came at an enormous human and political cost.
The rise of a unified East Asia will recalibrate regional security arrangements, re-moulding the contours of a decreasingly unipolar order.
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