The UNHCR faced a difficult situation in managing Vietnamese refugees in the late 1970s and 80s. Nevertheless, several of the failures were of its own making.
The PLA is the state’s main instrument of war, which means that it is likely to have a considerable impact on whether China is branded ‘peaceful’ or ‘menacing’ by other states.
Whilst the water shortage in China has been securitised at the state level, this has not been successful at the local government level, or with the public at large.
When comparing the approaches of COIN and CT to actors, grievances and legitimacy, it is clear that the two are not complementary.
The reform-era policies of the 1980s and ’90s are undermining China’s development. The desire to maintain political stability and solidify party rule stifled efforts to fund long term investments.
There is a rational logic behind North Korea’s military diplomacy, which intertwines national identity, military first politics, and domestic internal strife under the leadership of the Kim family.
Although the benefits of globalization continue to be disproportionately angled in favour of the developed global North, GDP can be seen to have risen for developing countries, including those within sub-Saharan Africa.
Modernisation, development and globalisation are not inevitable and ‘hard work’ to ensure neoliberal globalisation in the global south has not created progress.
The relationship between the US and China can be seen as one of opportunity and a cause for concern. Flashpoints like Taiwan, energy acquisition and military capabilities could lead to conflict if left unresolved.
In our allegedly ‘post-race’ society, there is growing consensus that the political approach to achieving racial equality should be distinctively colour blind.
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