The fate of security cooperation in the future depends upon the development of old and new trans-border threats that may trigger intensified cooperation, and on the wish to maintain sovereignty.
A timely and very innovative analysis of the relationships between interest groups and EU institutions in the fields of justice, home affairs and defence.
The recent emergence of the EU as a regional defence actor is gradually eroding the notion of the traditional Anglo-American driven European defence leadership of NATO.
Brexit will neither strengthen, nor obviously weaken, the Common Security and Defence Policy. It may, however, reduce the UK’s ability to contribute to European security.
Despite Brexit, if a threat to European interests warrants military action, in Europe’s periphery or beyond, the UK is more likely to be part of the action than not.
Hard-line security actions could be necessary to reassure the public and to prevent further strikes. However, they have proven their limits in the very recent past.
If the “Strategic Agenda” is the result of a lowest common denominator word-processing exercise from within the Council Secretariat, then it serves no useful purpose.
The debate on EU foreign policy must contain both the theoretical analysis as well as the in-depth “heart-searching” discussions between actors, scholars and practitioners involved in the CSDP.
Cohesive epistemic communities are more likely to be persuasive diplomatic actors, achieving security goals that would have otherwise been very difficult if left to the member states alone.
The Lampedusa crisis will primarily serve to rationalize intensified surveillance of the maritime domain and the creation of market opportunities in an increasingly securitized Mediterranean.
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