Despite some problems, this volume systematically captures and delineates the complexity that makes up the structures and outcomes of European security institutions.
Europe’s currency union must start managing, rather than systematically suffocating, domestic demand. The United States, not German mercantilism, provides the right model for Europe.
As long as the public affairs of 28 countries are tackled in Brussels, even with its many constitutional safeguards and its myriad representations of special interest groups, there will be a place for lobbying.
The Nobel Prize Committee appears to have missed an opportunity to identify what is most distinctive about the EU and its contribution to “fraternity among nations” – its dispute settlement system.
Germany must assist the crisis-ridden countries in revitalizing their economies. Without the support of economically strong nations, these countries will be unable to solve their economic or public debt problems.
Negative assessments of Egypt’s democratic transition contrasted with positive assessments of its foreign policies suggests that the democracy-stability dilemma persists in EU-Egyptian relations.
Europe’s increasing military shortcomings need addressing. If Europeans aspire to exert real influence over international security affairs, they must do so collectively, or not at all.
ASEAN has demonstrated that it remains true to itself, seeking methods for making its own integration efforts more efficient without departing from its long established principles of cooperation.
The European Union is one of the most successful instances of voluntary international cooperation, and diffusion theory serves as a useful tool to analyse the EU’s influence on regionalism elsewhere.
In absence of a proper military capability, the EU has exercised the limited international actorness allowed by its Treaties – principally mediation and economic influence.
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