Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia endured a difficult rebirth into a unipolar world order where it struggled to find a place. Dr. Nicolai Petro traces the journey the nation’s governments have made since this painful transition and looks to the continuing evolution of Russia’s diplomatic identity.
Turkish-Russian rapprochement should not be viewed by the West as a menace or even irritant, but rather the platform upon which regional knots of contention might find resolution. The regional political landscape of western Eurasia has shifted dramatically in the past decade; we in the West would do well to adjust our perceptions accordingly.
Western Europe’s alienation from its own Byzantine roots has done much to perpetuate Cold War divisions in people’s minds, long after they have disappeared from the political map. Ideological competition is not only unnecessary, it is a dead end. Envisioning an integral Europe that includes Russia has proved to be no easy task. It can be made somewhat easier, however, by regarding it as process of mutual rediscovery
The long-awaited publication of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation in February 2010 was the result of years of debate within the Russian military and political establishment. It outlines a post facto legitimization of Russia’s role in the August War against Georgia in 2008 and of other initiatives adopted by Moscow in the field of international security in the new century
The idea of joint Russia-NATO ballistic missile defenses remains controversial and far-fetched. But how big are the obstacles to a genuine Russia-NATO missile defense cooperation and is overcoming them worth the trouble? The most obvious issue with bringing the idea into reality is the incompatibility of NATO and Russian radar and interceptor components, which complicates intelligence sharing and requires a considerable number of technical adjustments on both sides
Science should ideally provide the basis of non-ideological environments for the participation and free exchange of ideas. However, science has been, and will continue to be, used for political gain with the express aim of furthering a particular ideology and proving its superiority. Despite the negatives, science diplomacy has been effective for many years and led to coalition building and conflict resolution.
The kind of conventional military brinkmanship going on at the common NATO-Russia border is not good news. A phenomenon not seen since the frostiest Cold War periods. If the last East-West confrontation offers a cautionary tale, it is that the situation urgently needs to be de-escalated, before worst-case scenarios become self-fulfilling prophecies.
Georgia has been guilty of aggressive state-integrationism, and, by its unquestioning support for Georgia’s ‘territorial integrity’, the international community fully shares the guilt for the bloodshed in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Georgia has squandered any moral claim to control the respective territories.
Russia is no democracy, nor will it become one anytime soon. The concern of most is now how to deal with the external power projection of an apparently consolidated authoritarian state. So the pertinent question for outsiders is not now ‘what kind of state is Russia’, but ‘how do we deal with Russian foreign policy?’
When it comes to energy, most of us consider Saudi Arabia to be the dominant supplier as well as the world’s most powerful petro-political force. Without taking anything away from Saudi Arabia, it happens that the above description is not entirely correct. Natural gas provides Russia with perhaps the most effective weapon it has ever had in dealing with the West.
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