This volume highlights historical approaches as well as the distinct features of Russia’s public diplomacy, such as its positioning as the guardian of traditional values.
For almost the entire interwar period, more precisely until 1938, Great Britain did not have a clearly outlined political or economic strategy towards Romania.
The Soviets did not understand what they wanted in the Baltic region. A hierarchisation of goals and objectives, and an adequate assessment of their own capabilities and resources was not conducted.
Chinese Soviet-watchers did not present many vicissitudes of Soviet international manoeuvres; instead, they attempted to adjust their analyses to align with China’s vision of itself and the world.
Virginie Grzelczyk discusses North Korea’s status as a nuclear power, the ways in which they are
“mainstreaming”, and their relationship with South Korea and the US.
Russia’s desire to limit Ukraine’s independence and to retake control of Crimea did not emerge during the Putin era. Rather they were there from the very beginning.
Understanding the long-term continuity underlying Russian hybrid operations is important as it shows that 2014 was not an improvised response to a temporary challenge.
Dr Mälksoo explores the ontological security and identities of the Baltic states and compares the historical memory of these states to the Russian biographical narrative.
The goal of multiculturism is to improve on peace, tolerance, and respect across differences whether small or great no matter where one begins or where one is going.
Soft power has fast matured into a sine qua non of international political conduct. Awara inadvertently became soft power, facilitating Soviet trust of India.
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