Turkey may be heading for yet another constitutional change, but not for a societally-based and well-deliberated democratic constitution writing. Meanwhile, deliberations continue under a façade of the moderate Islamists as the vanguards of anti-military democratic politics in Turkey.
The post Arab Spring era is one in which many western liberals fear the rise of Islamist parties in post-revolutionary Arab states. If we are lucky, more democracies can soon emerge in the Middle East, and Islamic liberalism, which is actually not that much of an oxymoron, will be reborn.
The constitutional process is slowly but surely becoming a catch all answer to many of Turkey’s ills. The coming months will witness a crucially important debate about a renewed social contract. Turkey’s challenge will be to engineer the required popular consensus in an increasingly polarized political atmosphere.
The most important aspect of Turkey’s potential to become a model for the rest of the region is her ability to uphold secularism while trying to become more democratic despite the fact that there is currently a conservative government ruling Turkey with its origins in Turkey’s Islamist tradition.
The past decade has deeply affected Turkish perceptions of Iran. Despite Iran swinging toward greater authoritarianism, worsening domestic human rights and bellicose rhetoric, Turks no longer view Iran as a direct security threat, but rather as a regional partner whose victimisation by the Western-led international community could be detrimental to Turkish interests.
Mastery of style and charismatic personalities are constants of Turkey’s celebrated leaders and incumbent Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is no exception. But what counts for an effective foreign policy is not noise but outcomes. With the right ingredients, Turkey will be in an enviable position to fully utilise its strategic geography, NATO membership and web of relations to advance Turkish interests in the region.
Is Obama disregarding the United States’ moral values by shying away from closer involvement in the Arab Spring and subsequent negotiations between Egypt, Syria and Turkey? Or is he simply giving the Middle East a chance to sort out its own problems?
The destructive tsunami which wreaked untold devastation upon Japan can serve as a cautionary tale for the South Caucasus, by forcing Turkey and Armenia to engage in confidence-building measures and to remove the common danger of nuclear disaster. There is nothing to lose for either party; the chances are that they both stand to gain mutually from the deal.
Turkish-Russian rapprochement should not be viewed by the West as a menace or even irritant, but rather the platform upon which regional knots of contention might find resolution. The regional political landscape of western Eurasia has shifted dramatically in the past decade; we in the West would do well to adjust our perceptions accordingly.
The Greco-Turkish conflict is a product of long-standing traumatic experiences that are based on Stereotypical Images of the Enemy. Both share a complicated mechanism that promotes patriotism by systematically devaluing the “other” via selective education, literature and the media
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