This essay argues that all violence can be exposed as an expression of gender; as an expression of masculinity or as an attack on femininity. It goes on to explore the ways in which the violence of the War on Terror and the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq are based on gendered narratives.
The fallout from the 1994 Rwandan genocide would always be complex and littered with historical, ethnic and political issues and efforts to find closure through the judicial process is inherently problematic. The failure to address the grievances of all ethnic groups will continue to hinder changes for a lasting national identity.
Forced migration and refugee flows from Burma to Bangladesh are becoming increasingly difficult for the international community and the region to deal with. Failure at state, regional and international level to deal with the problems facing the Rohingya refugees reflects a wider need to re-evaluate international protection regimes when it comes to dealing with forced migration and minority groups in Southeast Asia.
The People’s Republic of China has emerged as an important global actor in the twenty-first century but who has benefitted, politically and economically, from Beijing’s growing presence in Latin America and how have Sino-Latin American relations developed since Chinese President Hu Jintao’s first diplomatic visit to the region in 2004?
Sexual violence is arguably one of the worst types of violence, targeting a person’s identity, as well as the identity of his or her group. The psychological consequences often far outlive those of other forms of violence. Progress has been made to address wartime sexual violence against women, yet men remain an under-recognised and under-reported category of victims.
The EU, by using non-normative means to diffuse norms and by not being able to detach itself from state self-interest, has regressed from being a normative power in the international system. This repositioning places the EU on a middle ground between ‘normative’ power and political realism.
The ‘British approach’ for conducting counterinsurgency (COIN) operations can act as guidance for how to achieve the best results. This approach has been honed through Britain’s unique experience of empire policing and conduct in several small wars spanning over 150 years. However, it is now coming under criticism for its apparent lack of utility in the post-Cold War world.
Institutionalism rejects the realist assumption that international politics is a struggle for power in which military security issues are top priority and argues that instead, force is an ineffective instrument of policy. In order to understand the impact of internationalism on IR theory and its criticisms we must first look at its definition and how it differs from realist perspectives.
Any research on the Greek Civil War should have three levels of analysis: the international, the regional, and the national. These three terms could respectively be translated into the fragile relationship and power balancing among the Allies; the spread of communist regimes in the Balkans; and the internal struggle for the modernization of the political system, the constitutional issue, and the conduct of free elections.
Anarchy is a central concept in international relations theory. Both realism and constructivism, whilst divergent in nature, accept that the structure of the international system is anarchical. However, there is debate as to whether or not the effects of anarchy, such as self-help, can be overcome without fundamentally changing the structure of international politics.
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