The West’s increasingly aggressive nature of exporting liberalism is actually working to delegitimize its own hegemony, creating cracks in the self-perpetuating liberal world order.
A non-feminist approach to women’s human rights sees them as separate from or secondary to other human rights concerns, and does not take women’s lives and experiences into account.
The Ukrainian power elite have one point in common: the lack of public confidence in their leadership. If voters continue to be left disenfranchised, viewing the efforts of power elites as suspicious and self-motivated, then it stands to reason that more destructive expressions of political conflict will eventually manifest.
The idea of poverty as a security issue has been fairly commonplace since the end of the Cold War. In 1993, the United Nations sought to redefine security with individuals as the referent object; a framework in which poverty is one of the principal security threats as it significantly reduces quality and quantity of life. At the same time, poverty was gaining importance in the security agendas of states. This is based on the idea that poverty is a threat to the rich as well as the poor and that an unequal world is an unstable one; a view that has become very powerful in the years since September, 2001. This essay will address the implications of this second type of securitisation – world poverty as a threat to the west.
Deterrence can be a valuable tool in a policy maker’s arsenal, but its successful application is uncertain, so finding alternative means of ensuring security should be a priority.
There is much discussion between those who believe the EU should remain a wholly civilian (soft) power and those who argue that it should develop a military (hard) dimension. There is also a lively debate between those who seek to develop an autonomous military identity (Europeanists) and those who see Europe’s military future in NATO (Atlanticists). But does the EU need an army?
This essay argues that neoliberalism seeks to frame highly political and morally-charged operations within a bland discourse that insists on the neutrality of the market. Thus it is necessarily flawed in its contribution to the study of offshore, because it attempts to disguise the invariably political and pragmatic functions of offshore in the contemporary global political economy.
To enhance a military’s war-fighting capability and to increase the likelihood of success in operations, a network-centric approach to military operations is paramount.
The advent of contemporary global governance promoted a shift in the way civil society organized its activities. Not long ago civil society developed within a specific form of governance based on the nation state and its activities had a fixed space, reflected in national boundaries and the nation state. Nowadays it has become more common to speak of a global civil society which transcends the territorial boundaries of states.
This essay determines the effect of National Missile Defence (NMD) is primarily destabilising. However this has to be put in the wider context of relations between the US, China and Russia – for the destabilising effect of NMD is very much characterised by how it is used and what kind of policy it is a part of.
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