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Throughout the war what Stalin wanted most from the Western Powers was their commitment to a second front, economic aid and their agreement to the restoration of Russia’s 1941 borders. Although his methods evolved, these objectives did not change.
Shaping foreign energy policy at the state level and international energy relations at the international, interpretation of energy resources grounds an energy policy’s political logic.
The pluralist-solidarist debate is not as inherently oppositional as originally presented. It is only when pluralism and solidarism are seen as dichotomized and opposed that conflict arises.
Interrogating the concept of globalization and examining the differentiated materialities which have both facilitated its development and continue to shape its future direction shows quite clearly that new and complex social relations have arisen which are not easily mappable onto existing territories.
Due to the nature of warfare and policy-making itself, it is almost impossible for a soldier to be a-political.
Through its evaluation supported by case studies, this paper will argue that to an extent the relationship between the two sets of NGOs is based upon partnership. However it will go on to argue that to a greater extent, the relationship between NNGOs and SNGOs is not free from local and international agendas and as a result, the power sharing context of partnership disproportionately favours the NNGOs.
The economic strength of the US alone was not enough to secure victory, and the US foreign policy was frequently counter-productive. But when the disparity in economic strength was utilised by the US foreign policy it enabled the US to have a clear advantage over its enemy and negotiate from a position of strength
Recognising the existence of an anarchic society of states but also an importance for reaching collective goals is one of the key tenets of neoliberal institutionalism.
Intersectionality allows feminist theorists to account for the differences between women and provides a means of cooperation between scholars who have differing theoretical stances.
Nearly half a century separate Cardinal Richelieu and Francesco Guicciardini but the parallels between the two men betray the similarities in their understanding of power politics and theories of negotiation. Richelieu may have operated outside the Renaissance and Guicciardini from its Florentine apex, but both were influenced by the developing political theories of early modern Europe and the realist raison d’ état of Machiavelli; Guicciardini counted Machiavelli as a friend, and Richelieu was his intellectual descendent – the first politician to prosecute state national interest above notions of medieval universal Christian morality.
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