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Almost a century after its birth, IR is still in the process of defining itself. The Great Debates stimulated discussion about the essential characteristics of the discipline, and through these IR theory has undoubtedly advanced in complexity and nuance since its founding, and doubtless will continue to do so.
An increased focus on communication and reconciliation over individualism could have the potential to bring a more peaceful orientation to foreign policy issues.
This essay suggests that ‘Europe’ cannot be primarily identified in terms of shared histories, cultures, or even geographies. Consequently, attempts to define the EU supranational paradigm as a teleological institution have failed, no European grand narrative of ‘unity in history’ (or culture, or religion) exists, nor can it exist.
Both the donor and national governments are equally responsible for the poor performance of ODA in Nepal due to a mismatch of priorities between the two parties.
It is a trite but commonplace observation that we are witnessing a resurgence in religion and religious fundamentalism; that the secularist progression envisaged by linear models of social development has not come to fruition. This essay seeks both to contest the notion that secularisation can be seen as a universal or absolute process and, further, to problematise certain critical approaches which understand ‘religion’ as a site of autonomy and resistance against these totalising discourses.
The beginning of the 1990’s marked the start of a transition in the realm of Indonesian politics, as the population began to show their frustration towards Suharto’s authoritarian regime.
European and US approaches to combating terrorism have sharply diverged. European counter-terrorism policy has enabled the EU to project the very values and interests that define it.
The deterioration of our environment can lead to horrific and irreversible consequences. What makes this area far more complex is that it requires a worldwide effort. It is not enough for only the main subjects of international law to address this concern, but participation from all levels of society, from the government to the individual and to multinational corporations, is also vital.
No culture or society can escape the 1989 revolutions; they marked a distinct caesura in International Relations. The states that emerged had to deal with unique circumstances, being geographically located in Europe but politically worlds apart.
A non-feminist approach to women’s human rights sees them as separate from or secondary to other human rights concerns, and does not take women’s lives and experiences into account.
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