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This article is a response to the pervasive rhetoric that globalisation, in particular the associated implication that capitalism is an expanding global force that is inextricably enmeshed within globalisation, has been and continues to erode the state.
International interventions appear to be legitimised on moral, ethical and humanitarian grounds, but often they are abused as a weapon of realpolitik whilst facing calls of imperialism.
The dominant discourse surrounding female suicide bombers is discursive and reductive. It silences the diversity of motivations associated with female participation.
“When I entered the service,” wrote Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, “there was no such thing at all.” Within the six centuries of the French diplomatic system diplomacy evolved from its ad-hoc, temporary status in political society into foreign services that practiced within a distinct profession.
This essay will critically analyse the notion that there is a fundamental difference between the tasks of ‘explaining’ (comprehending ‘causes’) and ‘understanding’ (comprehending ‘reasons’). First, the essay will examine the emergence of the sharp division, which has come to be accepted as existent between ‘explaining’ (which is advocated by positivists) and ‘understanding’ (which is advocated by post-positivists). Second, one important consequence of the division will be demonstrated by showing how the intellectual battles between positivists and post-positivists, as well as the occasional attempts at reconciliation between them, have been instrumental in positivism’s dominance. Finally, the work of Milja Kurki will be drawn upon to argue that the concept of causation should be broadened, thereby exposing the interrelated nature of ‘explaining’ and ‘understanding’ without reducing one to the other. This will allow for positivism’s dominance to be effectively challenged.
The pragmatism and profundity of restorative justice do not have to be mutually exclusive. They can be mutually reliant as modes of practice for restorative justice.
The causes and effects of performative violence are linked, and include intimidation, social and material control, social cohesion and communication, and structural violence.
The case for extending membership to the Eastern neighborhood countries extrapolates from the European Union’s experience in Central and Eastern Europe.
As Australia is obligated to create a peaceful culture by creating policies which include asylum seekers and refugees, its human rights violations cannot continue.
A more effective way of combatting colonial immanent violence is to dismantle the racialised and gendered discourses that make this violence possible.
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