This paper will argue that Germany and Italy had little in common but common enemies and more significantly the shared aim of both wanting to assert themselves as revisionist powers of the interwar period. Thus, their alliance was one of convenience in that both powers were aware that they needed an ally within Europe as a means of achieving their ambitious and aggressive foreign policies.
The contrast between the nationalistic sentiment of self-determination emphasised in the First Chechen War and the rhetorical transition towards radical Islam in the Second Chechen War has been highlighted by many as evidence of the significance of the Chechen conflict in the global ‘War on Terror’. This essay will examine how Russia has managed to illustrate the Chechen conflict in terms of a global fight against international Islamic terrorism.
When Sir Edward Grey took office as Foreign Secretary, in early December, 1905, he did so at a crossroads in both British and European history. He faced numerous tests during his tenure in Whitehall and for the most part he handled them with distinction.
Neo-realist theory has long been at the centre of the debate about security within International Relations. From its origins in Machiavelli and Hobbes, to Morgenthau and classical realism, neo-realism continues to be popular within the discipline, with thinkers such as Waltz and Mearsheimer offering seminal texts that discuss security from a neo-realist perspective.
This dissertation attempts to determine the impact of democratisation in helping undermine terrorism, by reaching a democratic compromise between all parties (as in Northern Ireland), or by delegitimising terrorist groups’ goals and means in the eyes of their audience (as in the Basque Country).
Foreign actors have played a significant role in the development of democracy in the region. Admittedly, however, it has not always been constructive. Given the ongoing political unrest in the region, there is an opportunity for them to play a far more constructive role in the development of democracy than they have in the past.
This essay aims to discuss the ways in which liberal internationalism provides a more convincing account of international relations than class based approaches. Although the liberal international approach has been relatively successful in achieving its aim of protecting human rights and spreading democratic practices, it is possible to argue that this is a more convincing approach to international relations than class-based approaches.
While Africa after de-colonialization has experienced many internal conflicts, there has been a puzzling lack of interstate wars. Why is this so? Given the historically rootless borders, lack of vital resources like water, and prevalence of dictatorships, one could have predicted that several African interstate wars would have taken place.
The German sociologist Max Weber claimed “the state is the form of human community that (successfully) lays claim to the monopoly on legitimate physical violence.” This is essentially a statement about state sovereignty. This essay suggests that while only the most extreme and systemic examples of a state abusing its power could properly be called state terrorism, the concept is not a contradiction in terms when derived from dominant conceptions of sovereignty.
The decision for the United States and Britain to go to war with Iraq in 2003 was, and remains, one of the most controversial foreign policy acts that any British government has undertaken. This essay proceeds to compare and contrast the various aspects of the Just War Theory with the causes and outcomes of the war against Iraq in order to determine whether the war conforms to the theory.
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