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Collective memory depends on the existence and upholding of hegemonic discourses that in these contexts create conditions of victimisation. Pictures often simplify events and narratives to the extent that we might misinterpret them. It has been argued that Holocaust pictures have, at least in the West, served as a template for images of other genocides.
In post-conflict environments, the peace achieved is often unstable, facing a wide range of risks which can force a return to violence. The immediate post-conflict stage can be a negative peace, in which whilst overt physical violence may have ended, other political, social, economic and cultural factors that adversely affect human opportunities and quality of life may persist.
Irrespective of the occasional incompatibilities of the UN with liberal values, and its criticism from realists, the organization has invariably represented a tremendous leap forward.
This essay will address the challenges faced during reintegration based on the levels presented above – individual, community, and national. In the latter of these, it will seek to address the impact of complications arising in the early stages of national DDR programmes, particularly during demobilisation.
Throughout the course of history diplomacy has been a paramount element in the upkeep of peace and in the creation of positive change. Without diplomacy much of the world’s affairs, and organizations, would not exist. There are many examples of how diplomacy has affected countries, and even individual citizens.
When thinking about anarchy in international relations, we have to consider world order and how it is organised. Can an anarchical system be ordered? The cause of war is not only systemic, but via the fact that states can generate conflicts by their own choice, mainly because of self-interest and a thirst for power.
The label ‘failed state’ is now commonly employed to describe a host of troubled states, seemingly unable to achieve the material requirements crucial to state legitimacy.
Understanding the causes of such human devastation is arguably the most important question facing contemporary peace research. Can the desire for self-enrichment by corrupt government elites or rebel leaders be solely responsible? Are we to believe the rhetoric of the latter who claim they represent the interests of oppressed populations? In short, what is the most convincing explanation for the outbreak of intra-state wars?
“One can never anticipate the ways of divine providence securely enough” to declare war because one held a belief of the future hostile intent of one’s adversaries, remarked Otto von Bismarck in 1875. Such arguments have surrounded the concepts of preemption and its illegitimate counterpart – prevention – long before the inception of the controversial Bush Doctrine in the 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States. Preemption has been practiced for centuries as a legitimate means of self-defense for states. Prevention, an aggressive strategy intended to neutralise a threat before it can come fully into existence, has traditionally been outlawed under international law, international organisations and Just War theory.
Lobbying, group formation, and the interests of politicians distort policy in favour of trade protectionism – despite the costs the costs imposed on the whole of society.
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