Following a provision of the Doha agreement, signed by Lebanese political leaders to put an end to the May 2008 crisis, the Lebanese parliament discussed the country’s Parliamentary Electoral Draft Law and voted for reform on September 29th, 2008. But many of the proposals made by the National Commission were rejected, leading Minister of the Interior Ziyad Baroud to qualify it as “a cup half full”. But is this too optimistic?
The EU is generally not regarded as a ‘global power’: its internal division over the US-led intervenion in Iraq and its lack of a coherence towards the wars in the Balkans are cited as prominent examples of its weak standing in global politics. It is only in recent years that an increasing number of academics have emphasized the unique tools it holds to influence international relations.
Over the past century the U.S. has risen to be the undisputed world power, with its tentacles of influence sprawled across the globe, leaving almost no state untouched. However, does this significant power and influence construct qualify the United States for imperial status? Does its lack of territorial dominions, vassals, or a greater U.S. controlled commonwealth disqualify it from being an imperial power?
Due to the time that has elapsed since Huntington wrote his article it is easy to criticise any lack of foresight in terms of technological development. However, it is important to highlight the fundamentally erroneous assumptions of modern day diplomacy made in his article.
The way policy makers define poverty dictates the types of strategies that they use for alleviation, and their success. In Latin America numerous definitions have been employed, the current favourite being the profiling approach. This essay examines the various definitions of poverty on offer to Latin America, and the problems associated with each of them.
This essay will argue that foreign policy is “primarily generated from within”. The influence of the domestic forms the basis of foreign strategy, overshadowing but not discounting remaining elements. The correlation between both policy areas is one of great strength.
Following the watershed attacks of 9/11, governments have found themselves confronted, not only with a need to implement protective policies against attacks, but also respond to the, often inflated and media-propelled, collective will and fear of the population. In formulating an effective counter-terrorist strategy, the construction of a universal definition of terrorism is needed. The subjectivity of the term, however, ensures that this is, by no means, an easy undertaking.
To consider the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s role in fostering peace in the post socialist area, this essay will examine the conflicts in Moldova and Chechnya. It will argue that the OSCE has not yet been successful, but that this is largely because there has been no established peace to foster. Any progress is going to take time due to the complexities involved.
In evaluating Hitler’s power as the maker of German foreign policy from 1936 to 1939 this essay covers some of the most controversial debates on Nazi history. It will show that whilst Hitler determined the direction of foreign policy, it was his exploitation of the opportunities placed before him that led to the Third Reich’s diplomatic successes during the period.
This essay will first highlight the normative theoretical framework present within International Relations’ dominant realist and neo liberal discourse, before identifing key areas in which gender theorists have sought to challenge these hegemonic assumptions. It will assert that whilst there is an increasing willingness to challenge the traditional norms, there has been no revolution of inclusiveness.
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