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Since the 2010 Haiti earthquake, the development sector has been engaged in debate concerning the failures of the NGO response. NGOs have destructively transplanted a parallel system of governance, often being caught up within an aid worker bubble which has stood between the Haitian state and its citizens and thus undermined the symbiotic nature of their social contract.
Impoverished slums, such as those in Mumbai and Gujarat, played a major part in ethnic violence because they were reliant upon resource networks divided along ethnic lines.
Hiroshima and Nagasaki did not mark the beginnings of a ‘nuclear revolution’ as it is understood. The strategic environment and technological capabilities for a revolution did not exist in 1945 and not until much later.
Nuclear Proliferation is both an enduring critical matter in international security and a source of heated debate amongst the various ideological schools of thought in international relations. Although specific disputes can be assessed based upon which one is side is more effective with their argument, the general debate is much more ambiguous.
How the Uyghur population conceptualises its struggle is vital for the continued existence of the movement. Is the Uyghur movement a drive for human rights? A fight for increased autonomy? Or indeed a full blown separatist insurgency? On the other hand, how the PRC views the ‘Uyghur problem’ will have a direct bearing on the way it handles problems within Xinjiang in the future.
The administrations of President Bush and President Obama have not provided many more details on how they assess just what these targeting practices are or how they operate. While they offer assurances that their procedures meet the necessary requirements of the laws of war in terms of distinction and proportionality, they have not offered any evidence of the actual overview process.
In his essay, “Understanding a Primitive Society” Peter Winch claims that cultures are enclosed in language games which are both mutually unintelligible and equally valid. In doing so he is trying to prevent anthropologists from concluding that a culture is ‘wrong’ about reality (i.e. their belief system and how that informs their daily life) (Winch 79). Winch sees such judgement as an open door to cultural imperialism; if a culture is wrong than it stands to be corrected by the culture which judges it as such. He has every reason for such a noble pursuit. Writing in the time of African decolonization, he had born witness to the colonialists’ domination of innumerable cultures. Justified out of a ‘need’ to civilize the inferior savages and support the superior Europeans (through slaves and natural resources) this unequal cultural relationship allowed for utter destruction on the continent.
As long as countries have the ambitions to develop, the developmental state remains one of the major state paradigms. Especially for undeveloped countries, it would be a good choice to take advantage of their abilities and resources competing in the world. Therefore, the developmental state is not weakened even if it is not strengthened given the globalization context.
The application of sudden non-state actor violence to achieve political goals can be traced far back in history, but terrorism as a transnational and organized activity was first witnessed in Europe by the end of the 19th century. A long-term process of change usually precedes terrorism. Thus terrorism does not occur in stable times or systems, and its effectiveness is dependent on the instability of the framework or society it is practiced in.
The groundbreaking theory of Security Communities proffered by Karl Deutsch and his associates in 1957 which sought to “contribute to the study of possible ways in which men some day might abolish war” was largely shunned during the decades immediately succeeding its publishing. Given that the theory is not geographically restrictive but rather qualified politically, it may be in the future, theoretically at least, applied anywhere in the world where established democracies exist.
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