The efficacy and applicability of deterrence depends on the broader question of how one conceptualises and defines terrorism, and whether one deems terrorism insurmountable and ‘evil’ or recognises root causes, legitimate grievances and pathways to accommodation.
This paper emphasises the importance of Morgenthau’s German-Jewish identity set against the particular social background in which he began to develop his thought. It seeks to highlight the impact which these factors had on the development and evolution of some important elements of Morgenthau’s work.
The groundbreaking theory of Security Communities proffered by Karl Deutsch and his associates in 1957 which sought to “contribute to the study of possible ways in which men some day might abolish war” was largely shunned during the decades immediately succeeding its publishing. Given that the theory is not geographically restrictive but rather qualified politically, it may be in the future, theoretically at least, applied anywhere in the world where established democracies exist.
The origins of the Cold War cannot be fully understood through simplistic, monochromatic interpretations. Consequently, traditionalist and revisionist interpretations are inadequate as explanatory tools, but act as the foundation for more complex interpretations. No master narrative on the origins of the Cold War exists. However, the complementary application of a post-revisionist and constructivist approach provide us with a deeper understanding
International law is colonial in the sense that by ceding sovereignty to be governed by law, sovereigns are being colonised by the western, primarily, European legal system. Post-modern critiques of international law hold a lot in common with classical realist arguments. They maintain that if international law is not law, in that one has the choice to subscribe to it. It is not international morality, as morality is a societal construct. Then law is merely an aspect of politics which can be manipulated to one’s self-interest and politics.
Carl Schmitt is referred to as the Thomas Hobbes of the 20th century due to his tendencies to base his philosophies of the 18th century realist. In the following essay, it will be explained how the realist philosophies of both, the more modern, and the original Thomas Hobbes hold not only similar views but also contrast on key international relations topics. Although Thomas both are classed together as realist, they are nonetheless completely dissimilar on how they define the international system
Ultimately Carr’s realist critique of utopianism is convincing because of the limitations of realism which he himself recognises and reconciles with his conception of utopia. The strength of realism lies in exposing the weakness of utopian thought. It is also noteworthy that realism and utopianism per se can be interpreted differently and the interplay between the two suggests that each has no absolute position.
The Bush administration’s intention to swoop down from the sky, finish off a regime, pull back and reload the shotgun ready for the next target stalled as Iraq took far longer and was far more complex than was anticipated.
This essay will assess the relevance of the principles developed in On War and The Art of War to the conduct of war by International Security Assistance Forces in Afghanistan, contrasting the resilient lessons of each philosopher in modern combat. The result is solidified in the idea that war is dynamic -a dialogue that is malleable to whatever will is imposed on it-yet there are universal characteristics of war that are pervasive across time and culture.
Cluster munitions consist of a ‘container’ that contains a number of smaller sub-munitions or ‘bomblets’ which scatter over a large area and explode on impact. The Convention on Cluster Munitions 2008 is set to come in to force on the 1st of August 2010; hailed as an historic addition to International Humanitarian Law, it seeks to prohibit to use, production, stockpiling and transfer of cluster munitions.
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