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In the 1970s the world faced a very important paradigm shift of an economic and administrative nature, when the previously dominant Fordist system of production organization faced serious a crisis, and was replaced by a new mode of production which has been primarily based on flexible relationships among local actors, knowledge-oriented economies, endogenous innovation, networks of local industries, and social capital.
Southeast Asia and the South China Sea are now clearly major theaters of rivalry between the US and China, and once again, a cockpit of major international rivalries. ASEAN’s members are squarely in the middle of this rivalry. Meanwhile Russia is trying to run a bluff on China, which will probably only provoke Chinese and Asian mistrust despite the mutual professions of an identity of interest with China.
As the sole remaining superpower the United States is a natural target for espionage activity for a wide range of nations. Not all of those actively spying against the United States are competing powers, as one might assume. The list of nations pursuing an active policy of intelligence gathering in the US includes strategic competitors such as Russia and China but also holds many of the closest allied states.
The new Chinese stance against Pakistan-based terror is significant for Asia, because it strengthens claims in the region alleging Pakistan’s affiliation with terrorists. However, is China’s addition to the list of states fighting terror enough to goad Pakistan into putting an end to supporting terrorism?
I riot because I have absolutely nothing to lose. I riot because I’m angry. Anger envelopes me like a blanket every day of my life. I’m angry because I’m poor, I’ve always been poor, and I know I will never be able to afford all those nice things people are supposed to have. I’m angry because my life is shit and I know it’s always going to be shit. You want to lock me up for it? Go ahead. It means nothing to a nothing like me.
This September will mark the 50th Anniversary of Hammarskjöld’s death in a plane-crash in the country now called Zambia. A Swedish diplomat, economist, and author, he was an early Secretary-General of the United Nations. How should we remember his life and his work?
The recent visit of the Chief of the Chinese Army’s General Staff Chen Bingde to Russia underscored the two states willingness to maintain their military contacts despite Russia’s fears of the rapidly growing power of its Eastern neighbor. Both nations wish to preserve trust amidst competing interests. Suspicions on the Russian side will not go away and pose challenges to closer security ties.
In the coming weeks as the Libya drama comes to a climax and as the debate on Afghanistan sharpens on what happens next, the European nations will have to make a decision on what kind of transatlantic relationship they want, or need, or value. The option of grumbling dependency is over, an era of shared responsibility and mutual contribution is about to dawn.
When making sense of the weird things currently happening in the northern hemisphere, such as the London riots, one trend should not escape our notice: a deepening crisis caused by bankers’ greed is beginning to rip the guts out of democracy. Four years into the deepest economic crisis since the Great Depression, governments of vital parts of the capitalist world are running on empty.
While Lisbon may narrow the material differences between small and large states in terms of involvement, it is likely to sustain the differences between states in terms of influence. A strengthened global EU presence will primarily favor the large states given their more extended capacities to cope with the EU’s expanding role in matters of foreign policy.
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