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Thucydides’ and Mearsheimer’s views on political Realism resemble a mirror’s reflection; Displaying the same, yet a closer look reveals their inverse nature. In the course of the following essay, the modern, theoretical image of John Mearsheimer’s Aggressive Realism and its ancient reflection as found in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War will be extracted, compared and contrasted
Loader and Walker reveal a very interesting dynamic, in which they put citizens in a position to somehow educate the state, to secure themselves and avoid the state developing as a threat to them. However, I would say that they do not develop this notion far enough, and are subsequently unable to overcome the concept of the state as the main actor of security.
The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan was a costly and, ultimately, pointless war. However, exactly why the Red Army wound up in direct military conflict, embroiled in a bitter and complicated civil war—some 3,000 kilometres away from Moscow—is a point of historiographical uncertainty. Little known and appreciated for its significance, the Soviet-Afghan War was one of the turning points of the late Cold War.
The theory of hegemonic stability does not explain the failure of the interwar and the success of the post-1945 international economic orders. Domestic influences upon international monetary cooperation in major states were a crucial determining factor in the global economic stability or lack thereof in the interwar and post-WWII periods.
To consider the CCP’s treatment of its ethnic minorities, one must recognise that the relationships between those in central authority and those isolated in the peripheries are constantly in flux, with each side’s actions incessantly influencing and constraining the others’ future moves. This paper considers arguments that posit successes and mistakes in the CCP’s treatment towards its ethnic minorities.
The word neo-Ottomanism has never been used at the official level and, as one can be pretty certain, will never be openly heard from a Turkish official, unless perhaps by a Freudian slip. Nevertheless neo-Ottomanism is acquiring widespread usage and hence altered the basic tone of the Turkish foreign policy.
Each time genocide occurs, the world cries out ‘never again’. So why does no one stop these atrocities once they begin? Why are they simply ignored until they “resolve” themselves? This essay will be seeking to answer why the humanitarian intervention failed to prevent the genocide in Rwanda. It will focus on three main possible reasons why the intervention failed.
The ‘postpositivist’ challenge to the ‘empiricist-positivist’ orthodoxy is often considered to be international theory’s ‘Third Great Debate’. This essay investigates whether a new consensus might provide an unproblematic ‘resolution’ to the debate, or if it might (re)create practices which do violence to those silenced.
There is a tendency to equate the metaphor of travel and mobility with emancipation and the ability to move freely between cultures or continents. This work examines the implications of gender segregation in Ultra Orthodox communities of Jerusalem, by looking more closely at women’s experiences of the journeys made (both actual and allegorical) between the public and private spheres.
Chinese nuclear policy serves their grand strategy aimed at maintaining a calm international strategic environment. China’s nuclear policy is inherently defensive and, excluding proliferation concerns, practically benign. However, one should remember that this does not mean it isn’t based on self-interest.
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