Europe has imposed its intrinsic identity and revolutionary social and political values and models worldwide, transforming many of them in global standards, shaping the lives of billions of people. It is within the European geographical space that a large number of the world’s greatest empires have developed and some of humanities most valuable technological, spiritual, cultural, economic or political advancements have been achieved.
The Lisbon Treaty has not brought a revolutionary reform. The democratic deficit, though slightly improved, still has a long way to go, in terms of transparency, openness and public awareness of EU politics. It can be criticized for the tremendous complexity in itself, which doesn’t succeed in bringing the idea of a united Europe and what it entails closer to the people. In a nutshell, the Union is still far from reaching finalité politique.
In the “Changing Structure of International Law” Friedmann begins by considering the main changes that have taken place in international law: its vertical extension to new fields such as economic collaboration and welfare, its horizontal expansion to take in all the civilizations and cultures of the world as well as the influence of various ideologies.
Authoritarian regimes benefit from the constraints of democratic states, who cannot act in a similar way as authoritarian states do. These constraints are the result of democratic freedom which is essential to democratic success but which can be a disadvantage when dealing with coercion. All the same, it is democratic states that have the long-term and ultimate advantage over authoritarian regimes
Predictions of “water wars” have become an important and even customary part of global diplomatic discourse. In 1995, the World Bank’s vice president for environmentally sustainable development famously asserted “if the wars of this century were fought over oil, the wars of the next century will be fought over water”. What is the truth about transboundary water and the potential for war?
The convergence of neo-realism and neo-liberalism is self-evident from the fact that scholars of the two great schools, in addition to sharing a set of fundamental assumptions, ended up having the same central theme of reflection: how to assess, in a situation of anarchy, the effects that international structure have on the behaviour of states.
The Treaty of Maastricht elaborated and implemented concepts discussed in the previous Single European Act of 1986. It also established the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Treaty on European Union (TEU) which lead to the construction of the main pillars of the European Union and the introduction of the single currency.
The critique of positivism is fundamentally epistemological. Each side makes compelling arguments showing the strength of their position.
The wars in the former state of Yugoslavia that endured for most of the 1990’s have an established legacy today. They have come to be seen by those in the West as a gritty, difficult and unpleasant series of conflicts, epitomised by horrific brutality perpetrated by ultra-nationalist thugs. Nationalism was a major feature of the wars as they were prosecuted, but not the primary cause of the Yugoslav wars. The answer is less clear-cut than it may seem.
IN 1992, Milton Friedman asked: “how many more fiascos will it take before responsible people are finally convinced that a system of pegged exchange rates is not a satisfactory financial arrangement for a group of large countries with independent political systems and independent national policies?” Maybe the Greek debt crisis is the fiasco.
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