The wars in the former Yugoslavia have come to symbolise the brutality and irrationality of ethnic conflicts. This perception has been shaped by the manner in which events in the region have been interpreted, itself influenced by the propaganda efforts of the warring parties and the ideology, or context, of the person interpreting. This study addresses the issue of representation of the war in Croatia by examining attitudes towards the conflict in the British press. This is done through an analysis of ‘frames’ – the central narratives or storylines which organise texts.
The civil war in the DRC is a major problem. Historical and sociological approaches help explain the persistence and character of the on-going violence.
This paper examines the conceptualization of women in contemporary counterterror conflicts. It analyzes in which ways constructed gender dichotomies as the beautiful soul and the just warrior are reinforced and manipulated by political elites focusing on the case of Afghanistan. The paper’s core is the (re)construction of women as victims by politicians, namely the Bush administration.
The fight for women’s suffrage in Switzerland dates back to the 19th century. Yet, it may seem surprising to learn that women, in one of the oldest modern democracies in Europe, lacked the right to express their voice on national matters well past the middle of the 20th century.
Two intelligence failures in the European fight against Asian anti-imperial insurgency seem to be classic intelligence scandals with grave implications for the Asian continent.
The Belo Monte and the Madeira Dams have been subjected to criticism due to their negative impacts on indigenous populations of the Xingu and Madeira River. Besides threatening the livelihood of indigenous communities, the projects also have significant negative impacts on the environment. This nevertheless remains a popular option among policy-makers.
A multidisciplinary approach to understanding cyber terrorism is essential to compiling policies capable of responding to today’s problems and to future threats.
Through a comparison of oil governance in Nigeria and Canada as it relates to the two marginalized communities within these oil-wealthy countries: the Ogoni, of Rivers State in the Niger Delta and the Lubicon Cree of Northern Alberta, the main thesis of this paper argues that even in countries as different as Nigeria and Canada, once they have been stripped of factors that are external to oil production and focusing only on the most vulnerable peoples and regions, oil governance conflicts with marginalized communities through a structural violence unconvincingly justified by an economic benefit for the greater public good. In making this comparison the examination of oil governance necessarily includes three parties as identified by discourse theorists Abiodun Alao & ’Funmi Olonisakin (2000) and James Fearon (2005): the governments, the communities and the industry.
May a nation intervene in another nation’s conflict on loose humanitarian grounds to serve its own purpose? Interventions must be committed to helping the people who are persecuted.
During the Munich Crisis, there was little choice other than appeasement, particularly given that the vast majority of the British and French public, as well as elites, were not prepared to fight another war with Germany.
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