Certain dates in European history are taken to be the significant historical events which changed the course of the continent forever. 1648, and the Treaties of Westphalia; 1815, the Concert of Europe; 1945 the end of the Second World War and 1989, the fall of Communism – these are the events that are attributed to the makeup of modern Europe. But what of the years 1957, 1992, and 2009?
Traditionally, the promotion of Human Rights and the concept of state sovereignty have been fundamentally opposed. The institutionalisation of Human Rights in the international system is a relatively new concept. It wasn’t until after the Second World War that the challenge of Human Rights upon state sovereignty emerged.
The decision by the United Nations to partition Palestine in 1947 was a major watershed in Middle Eastern history. Not only did it lead to the creation of the state of Israel, a Zionist aim since the eighteenth century, but it set in stone a conflict which still to this day remains unresolved.Although the decision aimed to appease both Jews and Arabs, who laid differing ideological claims to the same territory and, as James L. Ilsley stated, was the ‘best of four unattractive and difficult alternatives,’ it failed.
The sheer chaos of an era said to have required a daily calendar to catch the sense of rising tension between all the capitals makes it seem nonsensical to ascribe substantial blame to Britain. Eyebrows should rightly be raised over Britain’s non-interventionist policy on the eve of war in 1914, despite unconcealed German desires to be the main protagonist in global affairs. Which role did Britain play in the slide to war?
The responsibilities and powers enshrined in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter are central to the Security Council’s ability to uphold international stability and peace by averting or ending conflicts. So why has the Security Council failed to address a range of major conflicts that have occurred over the past 64 years, although it has successfully dealt with others?
A state engages in humanitarian actions not just to show the world that it is compassionate and civil, but rather that it accepts its moral obligation to do so. During times of crises, a state puts its ontological security aside and acts on the needs of the disaster area. This is prevalent in the state’s speech, where it decrees that all of its measures will be acted upon quickly and for the benefit of it citizens. The humanitarian act is not a result of a past shameful action, but rather a pure and compassionate act in which the state undertakes morally
What is deemed ‘reasonable’ is not abstract and objective, but malleable. Due to this conflicting definition of what was ‘reasonable’, it became impossible for the warring sides to be reconciled.
In recent years, there has been an increase in interest in how Security Services around the world operate. The interrogation of prisoners and claims of torture by certain agencies have been widely condemned. Being able to demand Fairtrade chocolate has led many to believe that there is a possibility of Fairtrade intelligence and national security
This paper is an investigation on the conflict of our generation. From the ashes of the War on Terror arises the need to not only investigate the course of our actions, but also our understanding of those forces and phenomena to which we are committing both blood and treasure.
The “responsibility to protect” principle (R2P) has radically transformed the international community’s approach to major cases of humanitarian suffering, shifting its focus from “intervention” to “prevention”. Nevertheless, the tragic case of Darfur has clearly demonstrated its limitations.
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