Ireland’s perceived neutrality is a myth not sufficiently examined by theorists, politicians or the public, an illusion that has become a widely accepted ‘reality’. Study of Ireland’s foreign policy from the 1930s through to the 1970s shows two key strands guiding decision-making, blending ideology with diplomatic pragmatism.
Does Somaliland exhibit modern state qualities? Are we witnessing the development of a ‘beacon of light’ in an otherwise war-torn area of Africa? Or is this an overly positive analysis, resulting in an idealistic, rather than realistic, approach to the problematic of statehood in the region?
At the root of poverty, lies a lack of access to modern energy. Most of the Millennium Development Goals cannot be fulfilled without first meeting the energy needs of the 1.6 billion people without access to modern energy services. How could South-South Cooperation initiatives help to overcome this problem?
In the context of the Middle East uprisings of 2011, Libya was the only example in which foreign intervention was deemed necessary because of the potential human cost. This paper will attempt to rationalize the theoretical concept, or the reasoning, behind the humanitarian intervention which led France and the UK to enforce the ‘no-fly’ zone mandate.
Despite unclear prospects for the CTBT, the international de facto norm against nuclear testing seems well established, and the already semi-functioning CTBT Organisation plays an important role in monitoring and verification. It is also important not to view the CTBT as an end in itself, as independently it will not be so effective as to make nuclear weapons obsolete.
The EU, by using non-normative means to diffuse norms and by not being able to detach itself from state self-interest, has regressed from being a normative power in the international system. This repositioning places the EU on a middle ground between ‘normative’ power and political realism.
Any research on the Greek Civil War should have three levels of analysis: the international, the regional, and the national. These three terms could respectively be translated into the fragile relationship and power balancing among the Allies; the spread of communist regimes in the Balkans; and the internal struggle for the modernization of the political system, the constitutional issue, and the conduct of free elections.
As relations between the West and the Islamic world have significantly deteriorated in recent years and the situation in the Middle East appears more and more threatening to the EU, Turkey’s potential role as a soft power for the EU becomes increasingly clear as a bridge between East and West.
The intellectual environment of the Chinese and Islamic empires appears not to have been fit enough to be the first civilizations experiencing an industrial take off. The absence of a Newtonian culture may in this regard contribute to a better understanding of why these great civilizations were not the first to industrialize.
Sovereignty can be said to be the fundamental pillar on which international relations take place. It is sought by territories claiming independence and forcibly defended by those who had it granted. It has also been one of the most debated concepts in International Relations in the last 20 years, particularly since the end of the Cold War.
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