Economics have a profound influence on defence policy regardless of country. One merely needs to observe the debates on expenditure today for a look at how even a superpower like the United State’s armed forces is constrained by defence budgets. While the same holds true for the UK, it has been more noticeable since 1945 with Britain’s declining power and prestige.
China’s growing influence in the international system is receiving a lot of attention, both positive and negative. In some quarters, China’s ‘rise’ is complete. This growth is especially felt in North East Asia. Therefore, the Republic of Korea needs to take great interest in China’s future role on the regional and global stage, concerning it’s relations with its northern neighbour as well as their close cooperation with the US.
Putin will remain in power until 2024, barring assassination or revolution, and will become Russia’s longest ruling leader since Stalin. He is not known for his willingness to compromise or surrender Russia’s imperial gains, suggesting that a new time of troubles is looming on the horizon. This will indicate whether the West still sees Russia as a political part of Europe or has concluded that the country cannot be changed and the days of democratization have become a historical footnote.
Every country must realize that good maritime order is a public good and a common resource, and it is obligatory to make concerted efforts. A country should understand that self-interest and evading multilateral initiatives are “beggar thy neighbor” behaviors, and will not only cause damaging effects by being self-serving, but in the end will damage its own interests as well.
Modernity-inspired international development has often failed when not taking into account local context, culture and belief. Failing to consider religion risks the failure of enduring social change. This seems a more productive and appropriate way of framing societies and people’s lives, rather than suggesting secularity should supersede other forms of faith.
The EU is already the hegemon within its geographic region but to be considered a credible actor in international affairs it needs to stabilize regimes in its neighbourhood more rapidly and successfully than competitors like China and India can manage in their own regions.
Because of the deep concern on the part of many UN member states that RtoP could give rise to a regime change agenda and the equally deep global opposition to such an agenda, it is incumbent on us to explore the relationship more deeply in order to ascertain whether there are ways of maintaining a clear distinction between RtoP and regime change without sacrificing the protection of civilians.
The R2P is heralded by many as making political power more responsible and accountable, both to the domestic citizenry and ‘international community’. It has sought to democratise humanitarian intervention in a way which reconceptualises sovereignty as responsibility and looks to protect the ‘victim other’ from imminent mass death at the hands of irresponsible state power.
Although positivism has evolved over the years, at its core several key aspects have remained constant. It is based on a foundationalist ontology, that is, one in which the world exists independently of our knowledge of it, and at its heart is the promise of unambiguous and accurate knowledge of the world which can be arrived at through sensory experience.
Northern Ireland has a long way to come before it can be labelled peaceful. The fragmented nature of its society indicates that we cannot speak of two monolithic communities at all. They are divided within themselves along attitudinal, class, and educational lines, while different experiences of the Troubles have shaped their needs.
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