This paper examines the discourses within the British media following the 2008 financial crisis. The renewed interest in the writings of John Maynard Keynes had been heralded by some commentators as a paradigm shift in economic thought. The paper argues that rather than a Keynesian revolution, British thinking was dominated by ‘New Interventionism’; this conceived of the crisis as temporary contractions in consumer demand and credit lines.
The deterioration of our environment can lead to horrific and irreversible consequences. What makes this area far more complex is that it requires a worldwide effort. It is not enough for only the main subjects of international law to address this concern, but participation from all levels of society, from the government to the individual and to multinational corporations, is also vital.
This paper will argue that Germany and Italy had little in common but common enemies and more significantly the shared aim of both wanting to assert themselves as revisionist powers of the interwar period. Thus, their alliance was one of convenience in that both powers were aware that they needed an ally within Europe as a means of achieving their ambitious and aggressive foreign policies.
In the past 25 years 67 states have abolished capital punishment for all crimes, 5 have abolished it for ordinary crimes, and a further 35 states have become de facto abolitionists. This trend is curious because abolition has met with significant domestic resistance in a number of abolitionist states; in many the majority were against abolition. What explains the emergence of the abolitionist norm?
What should the United States do when saving strangers is the morally correct thing to do, but politically and practically, it could turn out to be a nightmare? If America is going to put the lives of its citizens at stake in situations where the primary motivation is not national interest, but an interest in common global humanity, America should be sure that she can do more good than harm.
The contrast between the nationalistic sentiment of self-determination emphasised in the First Chechen War and the rhetorical transition towards radical Islam in the Second Chechen War has been highlighted by many as evidence of the significance of the Chechen conflict in the global ‘War on Terror’. This essay will examine how Russia has managed to illustrate the Chechen conflict in terms of a global fight against international Islamic terrorism.
Whether The US and china can overcome a tendency towards a zero sum disposition and embrace change in a progressive way in the 21st century remains to be seen.
This essay argues that Gorbachev’s foreign policy approach was determined, to a high degree, by the domestic considerations the Soviet Union faced at that time. The idea that these domestic considerations simply ‘dictated’ Gorbachev’s foreign policy approach is, however, too simple.
When Sir Edward Grey took office as Foreign Secretary, in early December, 1905, he did so at a crossroads in both British and European history. He faced numerous tests during his tenure in Whitehall and for the most part he handled them with distinction.
Neo-realist theory has long been at the centre of the debate about security within International Relations. From its origins in Machiavelli and Hobbes, to Morgenthau and classical realism, neo-realism continues to be popular within the discipline, with thinkers such as Waltz and Mearsheimer offering seminal texts that discuss security from a neo-realist perspective.
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