War has not changed inherently; it remains political in nature, and its desired outcomes remain political in nature, as it always has. The emergence of non-state conflict has added a new dimension to war. The use of many aggressive alternative methods, albeit in conjunction with traditional methods, has served to enhance the view that warfare has taken on asymmetrical characteristics.
Although they face extreme difficulties, international sanctions in foreign policies can still be ethical. This essay begins by stressing the two dimensional problem of ethics and gives the reasons why the existence of international ethics is still possible. The essay will then analyze the difficulties sanctions face, and under which conditions ethical international sanctions can be realized.
Even though globalization has many advantages and one of them is the opportunity for economic growth both at an individual and a national level. This means that governments now try and compete for foreign capital and design their policies to please global investors and firms, which results in them not necessarily acting in the best interest of its citizens and this disregards its primary purpose.
The reconciliation of war-torn, divided societies is a long and difficult process. It is incorrect to expect individuals to be healed within one, two or three years after the conflict as for some this might take a lifetime. The most important factor to bear in mind is the distinct differences between healing processes that take place at the societal level and those that concern individuals.
Whilst the German experience in South West Africa is significant, the wider phenomenon of imperial domination is the greater contributory factor to the genocidal Nazi mentality. An ethos of thought and norms developed in the colonies which created the potential for totalitarian domination and mass extermination in Europe, culminating in the catastrophic events of the Holocaust.
Enlargement has been fuelled by transnational actors, aiming to enhance the economic prospects of transnational capital within Europe, and secure the interests of the hegemonic bloc. It was part of a wider process to increase economic competitiveness and remove internal barriers to trade.
Whilst historical legacies and existing prejudices are important, they are not an explanation in and of themselves for the Rwandan genocide. A more accurate way to explain the genocide is to look at why ethnic tensions were maintained, and how historical events were manipulated.
Migration has become a global phenomenon. It is growing rapidly both in scale and pace in accordance with the globalization process. The unprecedented growth of overseas contract workers is one of the most distinct new trends in international migration, among which, the Philippines constitutes a major force in the global labour market.
This essay shows how, over the past six decades, collective memory of the Second World War in France has been centrally implicated in, and influenced by, wider socio-political debates relating to the nature of French national identity. The discourse will be structured in a manner which engages with the primary vectors of French memory regarding ‘les annes noires’.
It is clear then that the Non Proliferation Treaty has enjoyed some success in curbing nuclear proliferation; most states have signed and abide by the rules of the NPT. The example of the A.Q Khan network as a non-state actor taking an active role in proliferation is a classic example of how the NPT is not effective at dealing with the problems the post cold war world faces.
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