The issue of Palestinian refugees is both an important and highly emotional matter in Middle-Eastern politics, representing one of the most divisive and enduring problems of 20th and 21st century Middle-Eastern affairs.
The ICC’s response to the Darfur crisis was insufficient due to limitations set by the UNSC, but efficiency can be increased by either reforming the framework in which the ICC and the UNSC cooperate, or by the US if it accepts the legitimacy of the ICC.
Although the participatory approach is essential to development in its aims, its application through the PRSP initiative needs reworking.
ASEAN’s founding principle of non-interference has been compromised in recent years by the adoption of a policy of ‘flexible engagement.’
In order to discuss the mechanisms through which involuntary minorities are socially, economically and politically excluded primarily I am going to define the meaning of the term ‘involuntary minority’. Following this, a brief identification of the main direct and indirect mechanisms clarifies the direction of the discussion. To examine the mechanisms used I have selected three examples of involuntary minorities to focus on; Palestinians in Israel, black Americans in the U.S. and refugees/asylum seekers in Britain.
During the 1970’s, Spain and Portugal made the political transition from corporatism to democracy. Spain is often viewed as the paradigm case for the transition to democracy model. If Spain’s experience was the generalizable case for the transition to democracy, wouldn’t Portugal’s path to democracy be similar because of the two nations’ similarities? Both countries shared a common geographical setting, history, religion, and corporatist dictatorships. However, markably different factors caused the political changes, producing different government and social structures in each society. Spain and Portugal may have similarities, but these factors cloud the very different processes that occurred in each country’s transition to democracy, bringing the appearance of correlation when in fact there is little.
Many Africans wait for it to fail as its predecessors did, and mistrust its intentions. But the New Partnership for Africa’s Development has a set of ambitious forward-thinking goals and ideals and is an excellent example of what Africans can do when they come together to help the continent out of the mire of its history and dependence.
This essay will begin with a detailed analysis of how NAFTA fits into the concept of regionalism and addressing the international political economy theories that inform it. It will then move on to a thorough critique of the economic and political motivations of the United States, Canada and Mexico and the theories that explain them, before bringing the NAFTA debate up to date with a brief summary of where we stand now. It will argue that NAFTA primarily serves an economic function, but was brought about by a ‘confluence of many factors’ which helped to shape NAFTA into the free-trade agreement that today appears irreversible.
In this essay I will be looking at the political causes for the increase of tension regarding relations for the states that border the Arctic Circle. I will be examining the relations between all eight countries, trying to establish through policy, press releases and other formats of documentation how a group of ‘Westernised’ countries are working to oppose the actions of Russia within the Arctic Circle.
The EU is generally not regarded as a ‘global power’: its internal division over the US-led intervenion in Iraq and its lack of a coherence towards the wars in the Balkans are cited as prominent examples of its weak standing in global politics. It is only in recent years that an increasing number of academics have emphasized the unique tools it holds to influence international relations.
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