This essay aims to discuss the ways in which liberal internationalism provides a more convincing account of international relations than class based approaches. Although the liberal international approach has been relatively successful in achieving its aim of protecting human rights and spreading democratic practices, it is possible to argue that this is a more convincing approach to international relations than class-based approaches.
A nuclear Iran poses a number of risks, including the enhancement of its stated policies against Israel and the United States and its interests, adding extremely severe dangers to confronting in any way Iran’s policies that hinder and prevent peace in the Middle East including their support for terrorist groups and activities, and the possibility that a nuclear Iran could ignite a regional arms race.
The United States’ decision to launch a preventive attack on Iraq in 2003 resulted in significant international resentment, plummeting approval ratings of the Bush administration and domestic disenchantment which manifested itself with subsequent election results. This was exacerbated by failure to find weapons of mass destruction, the mistreatment of prisoners in the Abu Ghraib prison, and the problematic occupation.
Foreign actors have played a significant role in the development of democracy in the region. Admittedly, however, it has not always been constructive. Given the ongoing political unrest in the region, there is an opportunity for them to play a far more constructive role in the development of democracy than they have in the past.
Independence from the Soviet Union has led to both similarities and differences in the reinvention of national identities in Belarus and Ukraine. Belarusian identity is still within its infancy due to the strong Russian influences and the active role of the Belarusian government to prevent the rise of civil society organizations. In contrast, Ukrainian identity has developed sufficiently enough to separate itself from Russia.
This dissertation attempts to determine the impact of democratisation in helping undermine terrorism, by reaching a democratic compromise between all parties (as in Northern Ireland), or by delegitimising terrorist groups’ goals and means in the eyes of their audience (as in the Basque Country).
The contrast between the nationalistic sentiment of self-determination emphasised in the First Chechen War and the rhetorical transition towards radical Islam in the Second Chechen War has been highlighted by many as evidence of the significance of the Chechen conflict in the global ‘War on Terror’. This essay will examine how Russia has managed to illustrate the Chechen conflict in terms of a global fight against international Islamic terrorism.
What should the United States do when saving strangers is the morally correct thing to do, but politically and practically, it could turn out to be a nightmare? If America is going to put the lives of its citizens at stake in situations where the primary motivation is not national interest, but an interest in common global humanity, America should be sure that she can do more good than harm.
In the past 25 years 67 states have abolished capital punishment for all crimes, 5 have abolished it for ordinary crimes, and a further 35 states have become de facto abolitionists. This trend is curious because abolition has met with significant domestic resistance in a number of abolitionist states; in many the majority were against abolition. What explains the emergence of the abolitionist norm?
This paper examines the discourses within the British media following the 2008 financial crisis. The renewed interest in the writings of John Maynard Keynes had been heralded by some commentators as a paradigm shift in economic thought. The paper argues that rather than a Keynesian revolution, British thinking was dominated by ‘New Interventionism’; this conceived of the crisis as temporary contractions in consumer demand and credit lines.
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