This essay aims to discuss the ways in which liberal internationalism provides a more convincing account of international relations than class based approaches. Although the liberal international approach has been relatively successful in achieving its aim of protecting human rights and spreading democratic practices, it is possible to argue that this is a more convincing approach to international relations than class-based approaches.
The impact of decolonisation was greatly mitigated by the spread of informal empire through Britain’s rather selective approach to granting independence. This was a last attempt to turn global politics to Britain’s advantage.
With the exception of the ‘non-attribution’ problem, cyber-warfare and the systemic asymmetry of cyber-attacks are both overstated, posing more of an annoyance than a threat to state security.
The World Bank rose out of political and security necessity in the US sphere of influence to stabilize Europe. It has grown to adapt through time, both to the new challenges of the late 20th century, as well as to the politically correct speech the growing global civil society has been promoting in the ever globalizing public space.
War has not changed inherently; it remains political in nature, and its desired outcomes remain political in nature, as it always has. The emergence of non-state conflict has added a new dimension to war. The use of many aggressive alternative methods, albeit in conjunction with traditional methods, has served to enhance the view that warfare has taken on asymmetrical characteristics.
Realists claim that international politics are derived from human’s nature to war and cause destruction, which emphasizes masculinity and eschews women from the international arena.
Identifying and analysing private international regimes requires first accepting the reality that authority exists outside public actors in the international system. This essay will argue the governance functions which international regimes create for themselves revolve around regulation and the provision of public goods.
It’s widely agreed that the Third World Debt crisis began in Mexico in 1982 sparking a chain reaction across Latin America, Africa and Eastern Europe. Domestic factors such as capital flight and corruption played a part but the main cause can be traced to the US and the rise of interest rates in 1979.
Britain would have moved towards Free Trade in 1846-1860 even if the Irish Potato Famine had not occurred, due to the inability of the protectionist system to benefit the British economy in any significant way encouraged many to consider the alternative approach, namely free trade.
The reconciliation of war-torn, divided societies is a long and difficult process. It is incorrect to expect individuals to be healed within one, two or three years after the conflict as for some this might take a lifetime. The most important factor to bear in mind is the distinct differences between healing processes that take place at the societal level and those that concern individuals.
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