The main body of the essay focuses on Palestinians in Israel since 1948 as a key example of an indigenous involuntary minority. I take a historical approach here so as to render the utilization of exclusionary mechanisms over a long time period. Black Americans who were brought to the U.S. as slaves (Ogbu, 1998:166) and refugees/asylum seekers in Britain are then drawn upon in turn as examples to depict the mechanisms through which migrant involuntary minorities are socially, politically and economically excluded. The focal point of the latter part of the essay will be based on the media as a key modern mechanism of exclusion, particularly for migrant involuntary minorities, concluding with the argument that the growth and force of the media will only strengthen the exclusion of involuntary minorities, meanwhile enforcing the effects of the other mechanisms discussed.
Rather than discussing their respective strengths and weaknesses, it is best for IR to consider the complementary strengths of post-positivism and positivism together.
NGOs have often been lauded for their efforts in international development. It was long assumed that aid money given to an NGO would be more efficient, more accountable democratically to local civil organizations, and more likely to reach the intended people and not a foreign bank account. As many states democratized, the NGOs assisting them became increasingly dependent on funding from neoliberal donors. Critics, such as Zaidi, Petras, and Kamat, have begun to argue that the NGOs themselves have become unaccountable and undemocratic. They propose bringing the state back into the development process. Yet would this solution be truly effective in light of the massive debts, dependence, and global structural imbalances faced by many developing states?
Whether international institutions can promote and achieve a more peaceful world is a question that is being examined more and more in the study of international relations. Literature about this issue has further developed over the last 50 years, as the world has seen the rise of new international organizations and the integration of old ones.
The Vietnam War represents the nadir in American military history, its legacy forever ‘scar[ring] the American psyche.’[1] Thus, the Iraq War has been fought in the midst of apocalyptic references to ‘another Vietnam,’[2] as the rejectionists, the Saddamists, and the terrorists[3] continue to derail the American strategy for victory in Iraq. The Vietnam War has fundamentally changed the overall mindset of American leaders and the American public; the result is a different type of war, aimed at minimising casualties and reducing the length of war in a bid to capture ‘hearts and minds.’ In seeking to understand American behaviour in Iraq, there is an implicit assumption that lessons have been learned from Vietnam, but have they?
The first part this essay introduces the concept of microfinance and the rationale behind targeting women, which is critically examined. The second part looks at the impact of microfinance initiatives on poverty alleviation. Drawing on examples from some African and Asian countries, the argument is built on the examination of two dimensions of poverty, namely income generation and empowerment.
Political and economic power must be recognized as being inextricably linked. As hegemony grew in its sophistication over the centuries, economic power has complimentarily entrenched itself in ever more embedded and socialized ways into political life, while political power continues to provide the essential structure for the evolving regime of accumulation.
A global civil society is not a plan in itself, nor is it a new or futuristic idea. Yet, is part of a greater restructuring of the international system and of our world order. Consequently, as philosophers before our times rightfully attested, the global civil society was founded not merely to preserve the lives of its members; but so that they might live well.
It’s widely agreed that the Third World Debt crisis began in Mexico in 1982 sparking a chain reaction across Latin America, Africa and Eastern Europe. Domestic factors such as capital flight and corruption played a part but the main cause can be traced to the US and the rise of interest rates in 1979.
Ireland’s perceived neutrality is a myth not sufficiently examined by theorists, politicians or the public, an illusion that has become a widely accepted ‘reality’. Study of Ireland’s foreign policy from the 1930s through to the 1970s shows two key strands guiding decision-making, blending ideology with diplomatic pragmatism.
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