The state is understood to constitute the primary institutions holding sovereign authority. States, however, are no longer standing alone on the hill of sovereignty, which other actors have come to the climb, claiming their own sovereignty vis-à-vis the state.
There is a clear moral distinction between terrorism and war; in the plights of terrorism, more individuals can be considered morally culpable for the state of affairs they are reacting to and so the concept of innocence, or what constitutes a non-combatant to use just war terminology, is greatly reduced when compared to that of war.
Sexual violence is arguably one of the worst types of violence, targeting a person’s identity, as well as the identity of his or her group. The psychological consequences often far outlive those of other forms of violence. Progress has been made to address wartime sexual violence against women, yet men remain an under-recognised and under-reported category of victims.
The Indian government’s recent ambitions in the realm of hydropower has created new issues and risks.
Humanitarian intervention is an issue which receives a great deal of attention from academics, politicians and the media. Throughout the 1990s, human rights abuses in Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo all raised the question of whether humanitarian intervention could be morally justified. This left Tony Blair to conclude in 1999 that ‘the most pressing foreign policy problem we face is to identify the circumstances in which we should get involved in other people’s conflicts’. In the twenty-first century the controversies have continued, and the international community has been deeply divided over whether to intervene both in Iraq and Darfur.
The use of humanitarian intervention remains haphazard and has been unjustly and incorrectly criticized as illegitimate and ineffective.
Web 2.0 is not a passive instrument simply imparting information but has become a new means of communication, revolutionising the social interactions of individuals.
This paper examines the discourses within the British media following the 2008 financial crisis. The renewed interest in the writings of John Maynard Keynes had been heralded by some commentators as a paradigm shift in economic thought. The paper argues that rather than a Keynesian revolution, British thinking was dominated by ‘New Interventionism’; this conceived of the crisis as temporary contractions in consumer demand and credit lines.
Declining trust in traditional democratic institutions as vehicles for personal fulfilment and well-being has eroded the sentiment of civic duty.
The nature of state sovereignty has altered in the post-Cold War period to reflect a changing global society and that this is for the betterment of global politics and citizens
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