This article is a response to the pervasive rhetoric that globalisation, in particular the associated implication that capitalism is an expanding global force that is inextricably enmeshed within globalisation, has been and continues to erode the state.
Despite conclusive and significant scientific evidence to the contrary, there is still some considerable scepticism over the nature, causes and consequences of climate change. However, it is becoming increasingly apparent that extreme weather events such as floods, droughts and cyclones, as well as retreating glaciers and melting sea ice at the North and South poles, are all indicative of a warming world.
Communism in the 1970s was stagnant both as an ideology and as a form of government. This work will outline several factors which made the system stagnant. It is important to bear in mind that there was some progress at the policy level, but the analysis will show this did not translate into real progress because of problems ingrained in the system.
The European security regime cannot serve as a model for East Asia, as this region is conditioned by markedly different institutional, political, economic, and cultural factors that are manifest in strong preferences for informal, incremental and bilateral frameworks based upon the principles of non-interference, consensus-building, power-balancing and bandwagoning. Nevertheless, the OSCE pillar of the European security regime may be a more appropriate model for Africa.
Analysing the record of the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq since 2003 has often been an exercise in reconciling seemingly contradictory interpretations and dynamics. The key point on which such interpretations implicitly or explicitly diverge is on the role of the state in Iraqi history, particularly its strength and weakness in the exercise of political authority.
Informed by the global governance perspective, this essay explores the internal, interrelational and ideational dimensions and forces shaping the Cascadia cross-border region (CBR) to provide useful insights into the nature, implications and future prospects of Canada-United States (US) CBRs.
This essay argues that as well as deepening citizenship by undermining clientilism, indigenous movements open the debate about reforming democracy and expanding the liberal notion of citizenship by confronting liberal democracy with the challenge of pluralism.
This essay asserts that although NGO participation appears to remain a privilege mediated and granted by states, NGO engagement, ‘self association’, and ‘political will formation’ is central in revealing how power must now be understood in the global order – that is to say that political power “operates through rather than on civil society”.
Watching for signs of war with Iran, many of us probably took our eyes off other hot spots where President Bush’s imminent departure is a strategic consideration. Georgia’s Saakashvili launched his military action to regain control of South Ossetia, no doubt with the departure in mind and probably thinking America’s pro-war administration would back him. Yet his decision was unlawful and foolhardy.
The dilemmas surrounding international intervention into the domestic affairs of brutal regimes such as Burma or Zimbabwe are often discussed. Nevertheless, there is also room for the less-examined question of the legitimacy of international pressure in cases where the violating state is a liberal democracy. Should this influence the set of considerations that other democratic states take into account when they decide whether or not to interfere in their domestic affairs?
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